Road to Freedom – Unravelling the Riddle of David Allen Funston

Those Released Committing New Crimes

The label “elderly parole” is misleading. Fifty is not elderly in any ordinary sense. It is middle age—an age at which many offenders remain physically capable and, in the case of sexual offenders, still within a range where risk cannot be assumed to have diminished.

That distinction matters because California is now confronting the consequences of applying this framework to the most serious category of violent crime.

California’s “elderly parole” system, created under AB 3234 and related statutory reforms, allows incarcerated people to be considered for release once they reach age 50 and have served at least 20 years. It is routinely described as a compassionate mechanism for aging inmates and prison population management. But the label “elderly parole” is misleading. Fifty is not elderly in any ordinary sense. It is middle age—an age at which many offenders remain physically capable and, in the case of sexual offenders, still within a range where risk cannot be assumed to have diminished.

That distinction matters because California is now confronting the consequences of applying this framework to the most serious category of violent crime.

A new legislative effort—California Assembly Bill 2727, introduced by Assemblymember Stephanie Nguyen—reflects that controversy. The bill would raise eligibility thresholds for certain violent sexual offenders to age 65, extend minimum time served requirements up to 30 years for aggravated sexual offenses, and require mandatory Sexually Violent Predator (SVP) evaluations before release decisions. Whatever one thinks of its specifics, AB 2727 signals a shift: a growing belief in Sacramento that the current system is not calibrated to the severity of sexual violence cases.

That concern is not abstract. It is now centered on the case of David Allen Funston, a serial child rapist convicted in 1999 for kidnapping, raping, and sexually assaulting multiple children in Sacramento County. He is serving consecutive life sentences, the kind historically understood to mean permanent incarceration. Yet under the elderly parole framework, he was recently approved for release—despite the protests of law enforcement officials, and victims’ rights advocates.

Sacramento County Sheriff Jim Cooper has publicly condemned the decision and supported a ballot initiative aimed at preventing early release of violent sexual predators. Former Sacramento County District Attorney Anne Marie Schubert, now with the Criminal Justice Legal Foundation, has similarly warned that cases involving “extremely serious criminal conduct with lasting impact on victims and the community” require maximum scrutiny before any release is contemplated. Their positions reflect not political overreach, but institutional experience with what these crimes do to victims—and what premature release can signal to the public.

The core question raised by this case is simple and unavoidable:

What does society actually gain by releasing a triple life-term child sex offender?

And what does it risk losing in return?

The Board of Parole Hearings (BPH) is responsible for answering that question in practice. As of October 2025, California housed approximately 90,797 inmates, with 83% convicted of crimes against persons and nearly 22% registered sex offenders. California’s sentencing structure frequently imposes consecutive terms for multiple sexual offenses, producing sentences that extend well beyond natural life expectancy. Elderly parole was designed partly as a response to aging prison populations, but its application to serial sexual predators forces a far more difficult moral and public safety calculation.

Supporters of the framework argue that age reduces general criminal behavior and that long-term incarceration must eventually give way to rehabilitation-based release decisions. But that argument becomes far weaker when applied to predatory sexual violence against children—where harm is permanent, victims are identifiable, and recidivism risk is difficult to measure with confidence.

This is where the system’s reliance on rehabilitation narratives becomes central—and contested.

Funston’s “Road to Freedom” treatment model emphasizes cognitive restructuring, denial reduction, victim-impact reflection, and relapse prevention. Within that framework, he has repeatedly described his understanding of his offenses and his ongoing management of risk.

At his September 24, 2025 Board of Parole Hearings appearance, he stated:

“I know that pedophilia is a life, you know, long condition is something I’m going to be dealing with. So I – I am aware of that and – and, you know, that’s why I work so hard to managing my behavior and on, um, practicing my – urge control plan and escape plans on a daily basis.”

On its face, this is the language of insight and accountability. But parole decisions cannot be made on articulation alone. The deeper question is whether structured programming and self-reported behavioral control can meaningfully offset decades of predatory conduct and the documented uncertainty in predicting sexual recidivism.

In reading Funston’s testimony before the BPH his treatment narrative includes repeated “urge control” rehearsal, victim-impact exercises, and behavioral conditioning techniques aimed at disrupting deviant sexual arousal patterns. He describes ongoing cognitive strategies designed to prevent relapse. Yet even he acknowledges the central tension: the condition he describes is lifelong, and management—not cure—is the claimed objective.

That admission is precisely what makes the policy question so difficult and the BPH decision to release him so difficult to understand.

Because if risk is lifelong, then release decisions become not assessments of resolution, but judgments about acceptable exposure.

And that is where California’s current framework begins to fracture.

The state already struggles with low sexual assault crime clearance rates and underreporting of sexual violence. In that environment, each high-profile parole decision involving a serial offender carries symbolic weight far beyond the individual case. It affects whether victims believe reporting matters, whether prosecutors believe sentences reflect permanence, and whether the public believes “life terms” actually mean life.  In Funston’s case – three life terms.

This is why Sheriff Cooper and former DA Schubert’s objections resonate so strongly. They are not arguing against rehabilitation as a concept. They are arguing against the assumption that rehabilitation, even when sincerely expressed, can reliably neutralize extreme risk in the most serious sexual offense cases.

And that brings the debate back to this:

California must ask whether elderly parole, as currently structured, is appropriately calibrated to the category of offender it is now being applied to. It was designed as a population management tool. It is increasingly functioning as a release mechanism for individuals whose crimes were once understood as permanently disqualifying from society.

AB 2727 attempts to correct that drift by raising the age threshold, extending time served requirements, and mandating SVP screening before release eligibility is even considered. In effect, it reintroduces a higher burden of proof before society accepts the risk of release in cases involving extreme sexual violence.

That is a necessary recalibration.

Because when the underlying offenses involve serial sexual violence against children, the question is not whether rehabilitation narratives exist—they do in every case file of this kind. The question is whether the state can justify converting a sentence designed to ensure permanent incapacitation into a conditional release decision decades later.

At that point, the policy question becomes unavoidable and stark:

Is the juice worth the squeeze?

What is gained by releasing a triple life-term child rapist after 20–30 years—marginal fiscal savings, administrative flexibility, and a contested claim of rehabilitation?

And what is lost—victim certainty, public confidence, and the principle that the most severe crimes carry consequences that do not expire with time served?

Increasingly, lawmakers like those behind AB 2727 are signaling that California’s answer should be no.

Elderly parole may remain appropriate for many aging inmates. But for the most serious violent sexual offenders, the state is being forced to confront a harder truth: some risks are not meaningfully reduced by age alone, and some sentences were imposed with permanence for a reason.

In that context, Funston’s “Road to Freedom” narrative becomes less a story of closure and more a reminder of the unresolved tension at the heart of California’s parole system.

And for many victims, advocates, and law enforcement officials, the conclusion is increasingly clear: when it comes to serial sexual violence, the road to freedom for offenders should not be paved over the rights—and safety—of those they harmed.

Steve Smith is a senior fellow in urban studies at the Pacific Research Institute, focusing on California’s ongoing crime challenges.

Nothing contained in this blog is to be construed as necessarily reflecting the views of the Pacific Research Institute or as an attempt to thwart or aid the passage of any legislation.

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